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来源:大河互动    发布时间:2019年09月23日 18:15:55    编辑:admin         

Franklin Delano Roosevelt: First Inaugural Address [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources. Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic justment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the ed States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, y and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the ed States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.200606/7515。

MmDuZ4Cf_Z[oWBYC#+7h-5vu#W~U)vOne minute of Eldrige Cleaver is worth 10 minutes of Roy Wilkins. The labor crisis settled at the negotiating table is nothing compared to the confrontation that results in a strike -- or better yet, violence along the picket lines. Normality has become the nemesis of the network news.Now the upshot of all this controversy is that a narrow and distorted picture of America often emerges from the televised news. A single, dramatic piece of the mosaic becomes in the minds of millions the entire picture. The American who relies upon television for his news mightconclude that the majority of American students are embittered radicals; that the majority of black Americans feel no regard for their country; that violence and lawlessness are the rule rather than the exception on the American campus.We know that none of these conclusions is true.Perhaps the place to start looking for a credibility gap is not in the offices of the Government in Washington but in the studios of the networks in New York!y6TAf%bZ2Y|@nj(gURRf)Yyo[,;cMLQi2T4*kh(9XX+XG.m.uCIGG[+bN201202/172050。

Thank you. Thank you. Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:To a few of us here today this is a solemn and most momentous occasion. And, yet, in the history of our nation it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-four-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle. Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other. And I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our republic. The business of our nation goes forward. These ed States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people. Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity. But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals. You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why then should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding —we're going to begin to act beginning today. The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.201110/157913。

Fellow-Citizens of the ed States:in compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself,按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯,I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed我现在来到诸位的面前,简单地讲几句话,并在你们的面前,by the Constitution of the ed States to be taken by the President ;before he enters on the execution of this office.;遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式,在大家面前宣誓。I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。他们认为,随着共和党政府的执政,their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.他们的财产,他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.说实在的,大量相反的据倒是一直存在,并随时可以供他们检查的。It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.那种据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。I do but e from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly,这里我只想引用其中的一篇,在那篇演说中我曾说,“我完全无意,to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度,进行直接或间接的干涉。I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做,而且我无此意图。Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道,我曾明确这么讲过,并且还讲过许多类似的话,而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now :不仅如此,他们还在纲领中,写进了对他们和对我来说,都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受,这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions决议,保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯,特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯,according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地,这种入侵不论使用什么借口,都是最严重的罪行。”I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace,我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候,我只想提请公众注意,最能对这一点提出确切据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下,由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded,这里我还要补充说,各州只要符合宪法和法律规定,合法地提出保护要求,政府便一定会乐于给予保护,for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section as to another.不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.有一个争论得很多的问题是,关于逃避务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。The clause I now is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:我现在要宣读的条文,也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样,明明白白写在宪法之中:No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于务或从事劳役的人,如逃到另一州,shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor,一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例,使其解除该项务或劳役,02/433909。

President Obama Recognizes Justice Stevens' Lifetime of Service and Offers Condolences to Families in West VirginiaDownload Video: mp4 (187MB) | mp3 (6MB) This afternoon, President Obama commented on the news of Justice John Paul Stevens' retirement before he addressed the recent tragedy in West Virginia. The President recognized Justice Stevens as an "impartial guardian of the law" who served his tenure with "honor and humility." Stating that he views the process of selecting a Supreme Court nominee as one of his “most serious responsibilities as President,” he expressed his hopes that the Senate will “move quickly in the coming weeks” to confirm the nominee to be seated in time for the fall term.As Justice Stevens expressed to me in the letter announcing his retirement, it is in the best interests of the Supreme Court to have a successor appointed and confirmed before the next term begins. And so I will move quickly to name a nominee, as I did with Justice Sotomayor.Once again, I view the process of selecting a Supreme Court nominee as among my most serious responsibilities as President. And while we cannot replace Justice Stevens’ experience or wisdom, I will seek someone in the coming weeks with similar qualities -- an independent mind, a record of excellence and integrity, a fierce dedication to the rule of law, and a keen understanding of how the law affects the daily lives of the American people. It will also be someone who, like Justice Stevens, knows that in a democracy, powerful interests must not be allowed to drown out the voices of ordinary citizens. Much like they did with Justice Sotomayor, I hope the Senate will move quickly in the coming weeks to debate and then confirm my nominee so that the new Justice is seated in time for the fall term.The President then offered his condolences to the family and friends of those who lost their lives in the mine devastation, acknowledging the dangers that workers in mines and their families face every day.Because mining is a tradition that’s often passed down through generations, it’s not uncommon to see an entire family choose this line of work. And sadly, when a tragedy like this occurs, it’s also not uncommon to lose almost an entire family all at once.I spoke to some surviving members of one such family on Wednesday. This week, Tim Davis, and two of his nephews, Josh, age 25, and Cory, age 20, were killed in the explosion in the Upper Big Branch mine.Rescuers have reported that Tim and his two nephews were all found together. Two other members of their families that worked in the mine were able to escape unharmed.Before he left for the mine on Monday, Josh wrote a letter for his girlfriend and young daughter. And in it, he said, “If anything happens to me, I’ll be looking down from heaven at you all. I love you. Take care of my baby. Tell her that daddy loves her, she’s beautiful, she’s funny. Just take care of my baby girl.”Reflecting on that letter, and the losses she endured in just one week, Josh’s mother Pam simply said, “It is just West Virginia. When something bad happens, we come together.” When something bad happens, we come together.Through tragedy and heartache, that’s the spirit that has sustained this community, and this country, for over 200 years. And as we pray for the souls of those we’ve lost, and the safe return of those who are missing, we are also sustained by the words of the Psalm that are particularly poignant right now. Those words : “You, O Lord, keep my lamp burning; my God turns my darkness into light.” Thank you very much.201004/101032。

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAFTER MEETING WITH GOVERNORS GRANHOLM, DOUGLAS, DOYLE, ROUNDS AND GREGOIRETO DISCUSS HEALTH CARE THE PRESIDENT: Well, I just wanted to thank the governors that are represented here today -- Governor Rounds, Gregoire, Douglas, Granholm, and Doyle. They are representative of the bipartisan group of governors that hosted roundtables around the country on health care after some initial meetings that I had with the National Governors Association, in which every single governor -- Republican or Democrat; small state, big state -- emphasized how important it was to reform our health care system to control costs, to assure choice of doctors and plans for individuals, and to make sure that we are providing high-quality care.And all of them represent states that have done some terrific work, wonderful experiments, have seen successes. But all of these governors also expressed to me, and I think heard from their constituencies, deep concerns about what the future holds. I think there's a recognition that when you have premiums doubling three times faster than wages, when you have businesses seeing 25 or 30 percent increases in terms of their health care costs for their employees, when you look at Medicaid budgets and what that's forcing governors to do in terms of making choices about trying to still fund higher education and the other things that are going to make states competitive, there's a recognition that we have to change the status quo.And so they've reported back to me. There's no perfect unanimity across the table in terms of every single aspect of reform. I think everybody here wants to make sure that governors have flexibility, that they have input into how legislation is being shaped on the Hill. But they have done my administration and I think the American people a terrific service in bringing some of these individual stories to us. And we're committed to working with them in the weeks and months to come to make sure that when we get health reform done, it is in partnership with the states where the rubber so often hits the road.And one of the advantages they have, as Joe Biden put it, they've planted a mole inside our administration. (Laughter.) Kathleen Sebelius, very recently a governor, knows exactly what all of them are struggling with, and she and Nancy-Ann are going to be interacting with them on a regular basis as we move this agenda forward.So I want to thank them publicly. And I look forward to working with them to get this done for the American people and for the people of their respective states in the weeks to come.Thank you.Q Is there any give in your deadline, Mr. President?THE PRESIDENT: We need to get it done.Q This year?THE PRESIDENT: We need to get it done this year.06/75519。

点击此处看视频201109/152489。

Iowa Caucus Night 爱荷华州之夜 (2008年1月3日,爱荷华州首府得梅因市)IOWA CAUCUS NIGHTJanuary 3, 2008 | Des Moines, IowaThank you, Iowa.You know, they said this day would never come.They said our sights were set too high. They said this country was too divided; too disillusioned to ever come together around a common purpose.But on this January night—at this defining moment in history—you have done what the cynics said we couldn’t do. You have done what the state of New Hampshire can do in five days. You have done what America can do in this new year, 2008. In lines that stretched around schools and churches; in small towns and big cities; you came together as Democrats, Republicans, and independents to stand up and say that we are one nation; we are one people; and our time for change has come.You said the time has come to move beyond the bitterness and pettiness and anger that’s consumed Washington; to end the political strategy that’s been all about division and instead make it about addition—to build a coalition for change that stretches through Red states and Blue states . Because that’s how we’ll win in November, and that’s how we’ll finally meet the challenges that we face as a nation. We are choosing hope over fear . We’re choosing unity over division and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America.You said the time has come to tell the lobbyists who think their money and their influence speak louder than our voices that they don’t own this government, we do; and we are here to take it back.The time has come for a President who will be honest about the choices and the challenges we face; who will listen to you and learn from you even when we disagree; who won’t just tell you what you want to hear, but what you need to know. And in New Hampshire, if you give me the same chance that Iowa did tonight, I will be that President for America.Thank you.I’ll be a President who finally makes health care affordable and available to every single American the same way I expanded health care in Illinois—by—by bringing Democrats and Republicans together to get the job done.I’ll be a President who ends the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class tax cut into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it.I’ll be a President who harnesses the ingenuity of farmers and scientists and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil once and for all .And I’ll be a President who ends this war in Iraq and finally brings our troops home; who restores our moral standing; who understands that 9/11 is not a way to scare up votes, but a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century; common threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons; climate change and poverty; genocide and disease.Tonight, we are one step closer to that vision of America because of what you did here in Iowa. And so I’d especially like to thank the organizers and the precinct captains; the volunteers and the staff who made this all possible.And while I’m at it, on thank-yous , I think it makes sense for me to thank the love of my life, the rock of the Obama family, the closer on the campaign trail —give it up for Michelle Obama .I know you didn’t do this for me. You did this . . . you did this because you believed so deeply in the most American of ideas—that in the face of impossible odds, people who love this country can change it.08/81858。

I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes.我希望我们最年轻的公民相信你们的双眼。You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers.你们从美军士兵坚毅的表情中看到了责任和忠诚。You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs.你们看到生命是脆弱的,邪恶是真实存在的,勇气获得了胜利。Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants,加入这项比你的渴望、比你自身更伟大的事业吧!larger than yourself and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.有生之年,你不仅为我们的国家增添了财富,你还会帮助它完善品格。America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home the unfinished work of American freedom.美国需要理想和勇气,因为我们在本土有重要的工作,那就是尚未完成的美国推动自由的工作。In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.在一个走向自由的世界里,我们决心彰显自由的意义和承诺。In Americas ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence.在美国的自由理想中,公民们发现了经济独立带来的尊严和保障,而不是徘徊在生存边缘的辛苦劳作。This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights.这是自由更广泛的定义,它推动了《宅地法案》、《社会保障法案》和《退伍军人权利法案》的制定。And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time.现在,我们通过改革总体制度,满足时代需求,来扩展这一定义。To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society.为了使每一个美国人都与我们国家的希望和未来息息相关,我们要以最高标准发展学校教育、建设所有权社会。We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society.我们将扩大人们对房屋和企业、退休储蓄和医疗保险的所有权,让我们的人民作好准备,应对自由社会中的生活挑战。By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.通过使每一位公民成为自己命运的主宰者,我们将使美国同胞更加远离短缺和恐惧,使我们的社会更加繁荣、公正、平等。In Americas ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives.在美国的自由理想中,公众利益取决于个人品格———正直、对他人的宽容以及我们自己生活中的道德准则。Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self.民主自治最终要依赖对自我的管理。That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards,品格的大厦建立在家庭之上,由规范的社区来撑,and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people.凭借西奈真理、山上宝训、《古兰经》上的话语以及各种信仰的持,树立在我们的国家生活之中。03/438294。