明星资讯腾讯娱乐2019年10月17日 22:09:50

Speaking from the White House, the President says the violence in Libya is "outrageous" and "unacceptable," and that his Administration is looking at the "full range of options we have to respond to this crisis." His full remarks below:Download Video: mp4 (53MB) | mp3 (5MB) 201102/126572

  Proceeding,fellow_citizens,to that qualification which the Constitution requires before my entrance on the charge again conferred on me,同胞们,在进行我将开始我被再次赋予的职责之前的宪法所要求的资格仪式时,it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow citizens at large,我有责任来表达我对同胞们普遍寄于我的信心这一最新明的深深情感,and the zeal with which it inspires me so to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just expectations.以及激励我来如此行动以最能满足他们期望的热情。On taking this station on a former occasion I declared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our Commonwealth.在前一次就职仪式中,我宣布了我认为我管理联邦事务的原则。My conscience tells me I have on every occasion acted up to that declaration according to its obvious import and to the understanding of every candid mind.我的良知今天告诉我在以往每一个场合中我都根据这些原则的明显含义和每一个坦诚思维对之的理解来遵守它们。In the transaction of your foreign affairs we have endeavored to cultivate the friendship of all nations,在处理外交事务方面,我们努力同所有国家建立友谊,and especially of those with which we have the most important relations.特别是那些和我们有最重要关系的国家。We have done them justice on all occasions,favored where favor was lawful,我们在所有场合对它们公正,在合法情况下持它们,and cherished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms.并珍惜相互的利益和公正平等条件下的交往。We are firmly convinced,and we act on that conviction,我们坚信,并以此坚信来行动,that with nations as with individuals our interests soundly calculated will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties,和国家如同和个人,我们充分计算的利益将不可同我们的道德责任分开,and history bears witness to the fact that a just nation is trusted on its word when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others.历史作这样的事实:一个公正的国家以其言为信而其它的则要依靠军队和战争来约束。At home,fellow citizens,you best know whether we have done well or ill.在国内,同胞们,你们最了解我们所做的是优是劣。The suppression of unnecessary offices,of useless establishments and expenses,enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes.压缩不必要的部门,无用的设置和花费使得我们可停止内税。These,covering our land with officers and opening our doors to their intrusions,这些使官员布满我们的土地并骚扰我们的门户的做法已开始引起居民的愤恼。had aly begun that process of domiciliary vexation which once entered is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of property and produce.这愤恼一旦出现,便很难限制其继续蔓延至财产和生产的每一方面。If among these taxes some minor ones fell which had not been inconvenient,如果在税收中取消并非不方便的那些,It was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them,是因为那些税收还不足以付那些收税官员,and because,if they had any merit,the State authorities might adopt them instead of others less approved.也因为如果它们有任何益处,州政府就会采用它们来取代那些更难以通过的。During this course of administration,and in order to disturb it,在这一执政期间,为了骚扰政府,the artillery of the press has been leveled against us,charged with whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare.新闻媒体的炮口对准了我们,以其所有能设想和敢于的诽谤来指责我们。These abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science are deeply to be regretted,这样摧残一个对自由和科学如此重要的机构是非常遗憾的。01/84604

  REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTON ALTERNATIVE ENERGYThunderbird HangarNellis Air Force Base, Nevada11:23 A.M. PDTTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much. Everybody please have a seat. Thank you so much.I've got some special acknowledgments that I have to make. First of all, we've got some members of the congressional delegation Nevada who are doing outstanding jobs not only for Nevada but also for the men and women in uniform. So please give a warm welcome to Congresswoman Shelley Berkley. (Applause.) Congresswoman Dina Titus. (Applause.) And we're in his district, he couldn't be here, but Congressman Dean Heller, please give him a big round of applause. (Applause.)I also want to thank the State Controller, Kim Wallin, for her great work. (Applause.) The Nevada Secretary of State, Ross Miller. (Applause.) Nevada State Treasurer, Kate Marshall. (Applause.) I want to thank the Brigadier General, Stanley Kresge, for the wonderful, outstanding work that he does, as well as Colonel Dave Belote, who just gave me an outstanding tour of the solar panel facility out here.But mainly I want to thank all of you, the men and women in uniform, for your service to our country. We're grateful to you. Thank you. (Applause.)I just spoke to a handful of your commanders here. I know some are about to be deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, many have just come back. The fact that you serve each and every day to keep us safe is something that every American is grateful for. And so if I don't do anything else as your Commander-in-Chief, I'm going to make sure that we're there for you just as you've been there for us. So thank you very much. (Applause.)Finally, let me acknowledge Senator Reid, not just for the generous introduction, not only because he's been a great friend, not only because he's been an outstanding Majority Leader, but also because of everything that he's done for the people of Nevada and for the armed services. He is somebody who has never forgotten his roots. After all these years, he still brings the voices and values of Searchlight, Nevada to the nation's most important debates in Washington, D.C. -- and we are better off because he does. So please give Harry Reid a big round of applause. (Applause.)You know, it's always a pleasure to get out of Washington a little bit. Washington is okay, but it's nice taking some time to talk to Americans of every walk of life outside of the nation's capital. And there's nothing like a quick trip to Vegas in the middle of the week. (Applause.) Like millions of other Americans, we come to this beautiful city for the sights and for the sounds -- and today we come for the sun.Because right now, we're standing near the largest solar electric plant of its kind in the entire Western Hemisphere -- the entire Western Hemisphere. More than 72,000 solar panels built on part of an old landfill provide 25 percent of the electricity for the 12,000 people who live and work here at Nellis. That's the equivalent of powering about 13,200 homes during the day.It's a project that took about half a year to complete, created 200 jobs, and will save the ed States Air Force, which is the largest consumer of energy in the federal government, nearly million -- million a year. It will also reduce harmful carbon pollution by 24,000 tons per year, which is the equivalent of removing 4,000 cars from our roads. Most importantly, this base serves as a shining example of what's possible when we harness the power of clean, renewable energy to build a new, firmer foundation for economic growth.Now, that's the kind of foundation we're trying to build all across America. One hundred days ago, in the midst of the worst economic crisis in half a century, we passed the most sweeping economic recovery act in history -- a plan designed to save jobs, create new ones, and put money in people's pockets. It's a plan designed not only to revive the economy in the short term, but to rebuild the economy over the long term. It's a plan that we passed thanks to the tireless efforts of Harry Reid and Congresswoman Berkley and Congresswoman Titus and all the other outstanding public servants in Washington.But if it hadn't been for Harry Reid -- because the Senate is tough -- moving this Recovery Act through Congress with the skill and tenacity and urgency of somebody who knows the struggles that millions of people are going through, we would have not gotten it done. So I am eternally grateful to him and the other members of the congressional delegation for helping to pass this plan.And 100 days later, we're aly seeing results. And today, we're releasing a report that details the progress that we've made in every region of the country.In these last few months, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act has saved or created nearly 150,000 jobs -- jobs building solar panels and wind turbines, making homes and buildings more energy efficient. They're the jobs of teachers and police officers and nurses who have not been laid off as a consequence of this Recovery Act. They're the jobs fixing roads and bridges, jobs at start-ups and small businesses, and jobs that will put thousands of young Americans to work this summer.Also in the Recovery Act, by the way, is all sorts of construction taking place on bases just like Nellis to support military families, and I know that that is something that Michelle Obama has taken a lot of time looking into; that's something that I'm spending a lot of time thinking about. We want to make sure that our bases and our facilities are the best in the world for our best troops. (Applause.)Ninety-five percent of all working families saw their take-home pay increase because of the tax cut that we provided in the Recovery Act. Fifty-four million seniors received 0 extra in their Social Security checks. Laid-off workers have received greater unemployment benefits and paid less for their health care. For the thousands of families whose homes have been made more energy efficient, it's also saved them about 0 on their energy bills. Other Americans saved thousands by taking advantage of the tax credits the Recovery Act has provided for the purchase of a new home, or a new fuel-efficient car, or energy-efficient cooling and heating systems, windows, and insulation. And all of this has helped to fuel demand that is helping businesses put more Americans back to work.05/71765。


  The President and the Vice President met with Speaker Boehner and Leader Reid in the Oval Office to continue their discussions about the need to fully fund the government through the end of this fiscal year. After the meeting, President Obama explained why an agreement is so important and the impact a government shutdown would have on 800,000 federal workers and their families, millions of people who rely on government services and the economy overall.Download Video: mp4 (45MB) | mp3 (4MB) 201104/131591

  Dl-(3Y0F9D.J)PZrHj6Vey+xxoBLXTo an Administration that would savage student loans and education at the dawn of a new technological age, we say: You fit the classic definition of a cynic; you know the price of everything, but the value of nothing.To our students and their parents, we say: We will insist on the highest standards of excellence, because the jobs of the future require skilled minds.To young Americans who may be called to our countrys service, we say: We know your generation will proudly answer our countrys call, as each generation before you.This past year, we remembered the bravery and sacrifice of Americans at Normandy. And we finally paid tribute -- as we should have done years ago -- to that Unknown Soldier who represents all the brave young Americans who died in Vietnam.Let no one doubt, we will defend Americas security and the cause of freedom around the world. But we want a President who tells us what Americas fighting for, not just what we are fighting against.[xie(NrQQl;9u@-|,QxNd;vc!][h%Ce^e7@fT%.9aE+201201/168364



  President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen: It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has aly fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating. Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support. "There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities -- and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see." I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace. What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children -- not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time. I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn. Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles -- which can only destroy and never create -- is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task. Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home. First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control. We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again. I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal. Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -- on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process -- a way of solving problems. With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it. And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims -- and I e -- "of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war." Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth." Yet it is sad to these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage. Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland -- a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago. Today, should total war ever break out again -- no matter how -- our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons. In short, both the ed States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest. So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal. Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different. We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy -- or of a collective death-wish for the world. To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility. For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth. Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the ed Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system -- a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished. At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada. Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The ed States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured. This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis. We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort -- to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are. The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further sp of nuclear arms. It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards. I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard. First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hope must be tempered -- Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind. Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the ed States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not -- We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it. Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives -- as many of you who are graduating today will have a opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home. But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete. It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government -- local, State, and National -- to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land. All this -- All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way[s] please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence? While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race. The ed States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has aly had enough -- more than enough -- of war and hate and oppression. We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we must labor on--not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.200606/7687

  President Bush Meets with President Torrijos of Panama   PRESIDENT BUSH: It's been my pleasure to welcome my friend, the President of Panama. Mr. President, welcome back. It's good to see you, sir. I can't thank you enough for your friendship and your leadership. Under your leadership, relations between the ed States and Panama are strong and healthy and vibrant.   I'll never forget being your guest in your beautiful country and going to see the Panama Canal. It's a engineering marvel. And then when you shared with me your vision about the expansion of the Canal, I said, here's a man who thinks big. And in fact, not only do you think big, but you act. And the President has shared with me the expansion plans, the progress being made. And I congratulate you very much for that progress.   Secondly, we talked about trade. The Panamanian free trade vote is a priority of this government. It is -- it should be a priority of the ed States Congress. The President has heard a lot of talk about whether or not trade bills will move or not, and I assured him that we will do everything in our capacity to move the trade bills -- not only the Panamanian bill, but the Colombian bill and the Korean bill. It's in this country's interest, Mr. President. And I want to thank you for going up to the Hill to work the issue.   We talked about food prices. The President is deeply concerned about the cost of food for the citizens of his country. I expressed the same concerns. I told him that if there's any way that we can help with food shortages, we'll try to help. But I appreciate your compassion and corazón grande.   And finally, we talked about drugs -- drugas. And I assured him I understood that the drug issue is two-way: One, that because too many of our citizens use drugs it provides an avenue for the movement of drugs. And we've got to do a better job in America reducing the demand for drugs. And we must also help our friends in the neighborhood deal with the suppliers of drugs. The President is committed to sharing intelligence and working closely -- and so are we -- working closely together to prevent drugs from being transhipped through Panama, which is bad for his country and bad for ours.   And there's a bill funding issue up on Congress called the Merida project, that not only works with Mexico, but also works with our Central American friends, including Panama. It's a strategy designed by experts on both sides. It's a strategy that we're convinced will work. I ask Congress to pass the Merida project in whole as written.   And, Mr. President, I'm honored you're here, and I thank you again for coming. Buen hombre.   PRESIDENT TORRIJOS: Thank you, Mr. President. I want to thank you for your interest in the region of Latin America. You have not only studied the problems of Latin America, but you have visited Latin America. It's been a part of your concern. And I want to thank you for your commitment on free trade and on the hopes that we can successfully conclude the trade bill we have together.   I want to thank you for the cooperation that we are experiencing in this difficult time regarding food prices and exchanging ideas on projects that we have on the bilateral agenda -- projects on education, projects on health, and of course, a mutual commitment of fighting drug trafficking to the benefit of both countries, and building the capacity of the region to be able to handle the problems related to drugs and crime.   So, thank you, sir. It's been really a privilege, the friendship that Panama has with the ed States, and we hope that this success story of Panama and the ed States solving the issue of the Panama Canal, and now looking forward toward the future of the canal expansion, is something that we always keep in mind in how we can build a mutual future.   PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, sir. Gracias. 200806/41533

  [Nextpage视频演讲]The President speaks about the ongoing efforts to address the BP Oil Spill from New Orleans, LA on June 4, 2010.Download Video: mp4 (134MB) | mp3 (13MB) [Nextpage演讲文本1]【PART 1】 Well, I want to thank everybody who participated in this meeting. Most of the folks here were in the meeting that we had last week. One of the encouraging signs is that, at least with respect to Louisiana, it seems that we made some progress. The most obvious area of progress was, coming out of the meeting last week, trying to bridge what seemed to be differences with respect to the berm, the barrier islands that Governor Jindal had proposed, and we now have that authority and dredging is beginning. And now we want to make sure that BP is paying up, but it seems like we're making progress on that front.I know that a lot of the press may be curious about what’s happening in terms of the attempts to cap the well. I don't want to go into the technical details here. I'd prefer Thad to give an update when he has had a chance to talk directly with command and control about what’s happening there. But it does appear that the cap, at least for now, is holding; that some hydrocarbons are being sent up to the surface; and that they are still ratcheting up the amount of oil and gas that's being extracted -- they’re doing it carefully so that they don't dislodge or disrupt the cap in some fashion.We will know more over the next 24 to 48 hours. And it is way too early to be optimistic. But we're just going to keep on monitoring it, and Thad will give you a more thorough briefing when he knows more.We spent a lot of time here just talking about the logistics of the response on the shore as oil begins to come in. And everybody here has particular concerns because we've got limited resources. We're trying to get more boom, for example, into the places that are needed. We deployed initially a lot of boom here in Louisiana. That meant that some in Alabama wasn’t where it was supposed to be. Governor Riley has been appropriately concerned -- that's a mild way of putting it -- about what’s being done with respect to Alabama plans. And what I told him was, is that Thad Allen will be meeting with him individually with respect to the Alabama plan and if he’s not satisfied with the answers that are given over the course of this weekend, then he’s going to call me and we're going to meet and sort this out.Here in Louisiana, where the oil has hit most rapidly, there are still areas where, for example, the mayor, here, was talking to fishermen; they want to try to build up some barriers to estuaries and areas that are particularly vulnerable. Thad Allen is going to be following up with each of the parish presidents in terms of figuring out what’s going on.One of the things that we've done to make sure that organizationally things are working the way they should is we now have a Coast Guard official who is stationed with each parish president and we actually have a BP representative who is stationed with each parish president, so that they have direct access to making sure that any information, any problems that they’ve got, are immediately being shot up to Thad and he can respond quickly. And we want to set that up not just in Louisiana, but in Alabama as well as in Florida -- we want county equivalents to have that same kind of representation and rapid response.We also talked about claims. And this is an area where I think everybody has a lot of concern. My understanding is, is that BP has contracted for million worth of TV advertising to manage their image during the course of this disaster. In addition, there are reports that BP will be paying .5 billion -- that's billion with a B -- in dividend payments this quarter.Now, I don't have a problem with BP fulfilling its legal obligations. But I want BP to be very clear, they’ve got moral and legal obligations here in the Gulf for the damage that has been done. And what I don't want to hear is, when they’re spending that kind of money on their shareholders and spending that kind of money on TV advertising, that they’re nickel-and-diming fishermen or small businesses here in the Gulf who are having a hard time. We’ve assigned federal folks to look over BP’s shoulder and to work with state and local officials to make sure that claims are being processed quickly, fairly, and that BP is not lawyering up, essentially, when it comes to these claims. They say they want to make it right. That’s part of their advertising campaign. Well, we want them to make it right. And what that means is that if a fisherman got a ,000 check, and the next time he goes in, because it’s a new month, suddenly BP is saying, well, we need some documentation and this may take six months to process, or 60 days to process -- or 30 days to process, for that matter -- that fisherman, with all his money tied up in that boat, just may not be able to hang on for another 30 days. He may lose his boat and his livelihood.We heard from one of the parish presidents about a shrimp processing plant. They’ve got a bunch of shrimp on ice, so they’re selling inventory, but they’re not bringing any new product in. And BP says to them, well, you know what, your sales don't seem to have declined. And they try to explain, yes, but we’ve had to lay off all our workers because we’re not bringing any new shrimp in and our cupboards are going to be bare in the next several weeks -- BP has got to be able to anticipate that.So the key point I’m making here is, this has been a disaster for this region and people are understandably frightened and concerned about what the next few months and the new few years may hold. I am absolutely confident about the resilience of this area long term, but if we can make sure that BP is doing the right thing on the front end, it’s going to make it an awful lot easier for us to fully recover on the back end. And by the way, it may end up being cheaper for BP. And so Thad, who’s interacting with BP on a regular basis, I think is emphasizing this. My administration is emphasizing it. I want them to hear directly from me and I want the public to hear from me -- they need to make sure that they are following through on these claims in a expeditious, fair way. And if they’re not, then we are going to stay on them about it. We’ve aly submitted one bill and they haven’t said that they’re not paying it, so I don’t want to anticipate problems. But we are aly starting to see at the local level folks experiencing problems. And we don’t want those problems to build up -- we want to nip that at the bud right now. And the fact that BP can pay a .5 billion dividend payment is indicative of how much money these folks have been making. And given the fact that they didn’t fully account for the risks, I don’t want somebody else bearing the costs of those risks that they took. I want to make sure that they’re paying for it.All right. The last point I wanted to make is we did talk about what the environmental quality is down here right now. Lisa Jackson has been down here all week and she went all across the country -- or all across the state of Louisiana. She’s going to be monitoring what’s going on in Alabama and Florida as well. So far, the air quality, water quality, is continually being tested and doesn’t seem to be much elevated above normal levels. But I want to emphasize something that she just told us, and that is people who are onsite involved in cleanup, they have to be mindful of the fact that we’re dealing with toxins here. This could be -- this could make people very sick if they’re not careful. They’ve got to get the appropriate training. They need the appropriate equipment. If they get sick, we now have health centers that are stationed at each of these points. [Nextpage演讲文本2]【PART 2】Lisa, do you want to talk about that briefly?ADMINISTRATOR JACKSON: Yes, sir. We have health and safety officers and stations at each muster point. So if someone does come back in and feels in any way that they’ve been exposed, or even if they just don’t feel well, the first thing to do is to report it so that we have a record of it, we can track it down, and we can ensure that they’re not in any way penalized for reporting and making sure that they put their health and the health of their family first.THE PRESIDENT: Again, I want to just emphasize, everybody down here -- every local official, every state official -- is working as hard as they can. Our federal teams are working as hard as they can. There are still going to be glitches in the response. There are still going to be arguments and disagreements between local and state, state and federal, between everybody and BP, between states and states, in terms of how we’re allocating some of these resources. But I think that Thad Allen has committed to me and the people of the Gulf that we’re going to cut through any bureaucratic red tape, any problems that we’ve got, and we will fix problems that have been identified.And that was the commitment I made last week. Some of the problems have been fixed; some new ones have resurfaced. We’ll fix those, too. And we’ll keep on coming back until we have dealt with an unprecedented crisis. But I’m very thankful to everybody for the constructive meeting and the constructive approach that I think everybody is taking in terms of solving this problem. All right. Thank you, everybody.Q Mr. President, what did you say to the parish presidents about the difficulty -- the economic difficulties from the drilling moratorium?THE PRESIDENT: We had a conversation about that, as well, and what I told them is very simple. When I made the decision to issue the moratorium, we knew that that would have an economic impact. But what I also knew is that there was no way that we can go about business as usual when we discovered that companies like BP, who had provided assurances that they had fail-safe backup, redundant systems, in fact, not only didn't have fail-safe systems, but had no idea what to do when those fail-safe systems broke down.Now, I announced this week that Bob Graham and Bill Reilly, two respected individuals who have experience both on the environmental side as well as in the energy sector, are going to be examining over the next six months what went wrong, but more important -- forward looking, how do we, in fact, increase domestic oil production without seeing the kinds of disasters that we are all witnessing on television day in, day out.I think Governor Jindal, I know other parish presidents, expressed concern about the immediate economic impact. And what I said to them is the same thing I said to Graham and Reilly, which is, if they can front-load some of the analysis of what went wrong and how you would solve what has happened and what can happen, and you can do that more quickly than six months, then let me know. Don't hold the results of your review for six months, and then tell me. Tell me when you find out.But what I told the folks in this room was I’m not going to cut corners on it, and I’m not going to press them to move faster than it would take to do an accurate, independent job based on sound science, because I do not want to see this thing repeated again. And the American people don't, and I promise you the people of the Gulf don't want to see it either.And as difficult as it may be, it’s important for us to do this right, because if we don't do it right, then what you could end up seeing is an even worse impact on the oil industry down here, which is so important to so many jobs. And I think everybody here emphasized -- and I want to be clear -- I didn't hear anybody here say that they want unsafe operations on these rigs and they certainly don't want to see a repeat of this disaster. They did ask, can we do it faster. And what I said to them was the same thing that I said to Graham and Reilly, which is, you do it as fast as it takes to do it right.All right? Thank you, everybody.Q Do you want BP to pay that dividend? Are you calling on them not to?THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, guys. I want to make sure that they are paying the folks in Louisiana for the havoc that they wreaked, and the folks in Alabama and the folks in Florida. I don't want them nickel-and- diming people down here. I want them to abide by their obligations to their shareholders; I want them to abide by the obligations to people down here, as well. All right. Thank you, folks.END201006/105563

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