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广州长安黑心吗?二十三年品牌医院飞度时讯广州白云做人流手术哪个医院好

2019年08月19日 10:46:04来源:百科乐园

  • WHEN our family moved from the West Village to the Upper East Side in 2004, seeking proximity to Central Park, my in-laws and a good public school, I thought it unlikely that the neighborhood would hold any big surprises. For many years I had immersed myself — through interviews, reviews of the anthropological literature and participant-observation — in the lives of women from the Amazon basin to sororities at a Big Ten school. I thought I knew from foreign.2004年,为了离中央公园、亲戚和一所出色的公立学校近一些,我们全家从西村搬到上东区。当时,我以为这个社区不太可能有让人大吃一惊的地方。在那之前的很多年里,通过采访、梳理人类学著作和参与观察的方式,我一直沉浸在对从亚马孙流域到顶级名校女生联谊会的女性生活的研究之中。我以为自己虽置身其外却知之甚多。Then I met the women I came to call the Glam SAHMs, for glamorous stay-at-home-moms, of my new habitat. My culture shock was immediate and comprehensive. In a country where women now outpace men in college completion, continue to increase their participation in the labor force and make gains toward equal pay, it was a shock to discover that the most elite stratum of all is a glittering, moneyed backwater.然后,我就在新搬去的地方遇到了光鲜的居家妈妈们。我后来简称她们为Glam SAHM。我遭遇的文化冲击十分直接,并且是全方位的。在一个女性的高校毕业人数超过了男性、在劳动力市场中的参与度持续提高、在同工同酬方面也在取得进步的国家里,发现最精英的阶层是一潭闪闪发光的富贵死水,实在是令人震惊。A social researcher works where she lands and resists the notion that any group is inherently more or less worthy of study than another. I stuck to the facts. The women I met, mainly at playgrounds, play groups and the nursery schools where I took my sons, were mostly 30-somethings with advanced degrees from prestigious universities and business schools. They were married to rich, powerful men, many of whom ran hedge or private equity funds; they often had three or four children under the age of 10; they lived west of Lexington Avenue, north of 63rd Street and south of 94th Street; and they did not work outside the home.社会科学领域的研究人员到哪里都可以做研究,不应抱有某个群体天生就更值得研究,或更不值得研究的观念。我坚持从事实出发。那些女性主要是我在带儿子去游乐场、孩童活动小组和幼儿园时遇到的。她们大都30多岁,有名牌大学和商学院的高等学位。她们的丈夫有钱有势,很多是做对冲或私募基金的。她们往往有三四个不到10岁的孩子,住在列克星敦大道以西、63街以北和94街以南,并且不外出工作。Instead they toiled in what the sociologist Sharon Hays calls “intensive mothering,” exhaustively enriching their children’s lives by virtually every measure, then advocating for them anxiously and sometimes ruthlessly in the linked high-stakes games of social jockeying and school admissions.她们辛辛苦苦从事的,是社会学家莎伦·海斯(Sharon Hays)所说的“高强度地养育孩子”。她们用尽一切办法来丰富孩子的生活,再焦虑地,有时甚至是不择手段地在社交竞争和学校录取这些相互联系的高赌注游戏中为他们呐喊助威。Their self-care was no less zealous or competitive. No ponytails or mom jeans here: they exercised themselves to a razor’s edge, wore expensive and exquisite outfits to school drop-off and looked a decade younger than they were. Many ran their homes (plural) like C.E.O.s.她们关注自身形象的热情丝毫不逊于此,彼此之间在这方面的竞争也绝不含糊。这里不会出现马尾辫或妈妈裤:她们会锻炼出一副刀锋般的身姿,穿着价格不菲的精美套装送孩子去学校,看上去比实际年龄年轻十岁。其中很多人都像首席执行官那样打理自家的多处房产。It didn’t take long for me to realize that my background in anthropology might help me figure it all out, and that this elite tribe and its practices made for a fascinating story.没用多久,我就意识到,自己的人类学背景可能有助于弄清楚这一切。这个精英群体和其中的行为可以成就一个令人着迷的故事。I was never undercover; I told the women I spent time with that I was writing a book about being a mother on the Upper East Side, and many of them were eager to share their perspectives on what one described as “our in many ways very weird world.”我从不偷偷摸摸的,会在见面时对她们说,自己正在写一本书,关于在上东区为人母的故事。她们中的很多人迫切地想和我分享自身对“我们这个从很多方面来看非常奇怪的世界”的观点。这是其中一个人的原话。It was easy for me to fall into the belief, as I lived and lunched and mothered with more than 100 of them for the better part of six years, that all these wealthy, competent and beautiful women, many with irony, intelligence and a sense of humor about their tribalism (“We are freaks for Flywheel,” one told me, referring to the indoor cycling gym), were powerful as well. But as my inner anthropologist quickly realized, there was the undeniable fact of their cloistering from men. There were alcohol-fueled girls’ nights out, and women-only luncheons and trunk shows and “shopping for a cause” events. There were mommy coffees, and women-only dinners in lavish homes. There were even some girlfriend-only flyaway parties on private planes, where everyone packed and wore outfits the same color.在六年的大部分时间里,我和她们中的逾百人生活在同一片地方,一起吃午饭,一起养育孩子。她们富有、能干、美丽,其中的很多人善于讽刺、充满睿智,对这个群体的生活方式抱有一种幽默感(“我们是飞轮[Flywheel]的一群怪物,”其中一人对我说。她指的是一家室内骑车健身馆)。这让我很容易以为,她们同样也是强大的。然而,我内心深处的那个人类学研究者很快意识到一个无可争辩的事实,那就是她们与男性隔绝。她们会组织出去喝一杯的女孩之夜活动、仅限女性参与的午宴、内部装秀和“你买我捐”活动。还有妈咪咖啡聚会和豪宅里仅限女性出席的晚宴。甚至还有在私人飞机上举行的仅面向女性友人的空中聚会,每个人带的和身上穿的衣要是同一种颜色。“It’s easier and more fun,” the women insisted when I asked about the sex segregation that defined their lives.“这样更简单,更好玩,”当我问到界定她们生活的性别隔离时,那些女性坚持这么说。“We prefer it,” the men told me at a dinner party where husbands and wives sat at entirely different tables in entirely different rooms.“我们更喜欢这样,”那些男性在一次晚宴上告诉我。当时,他们和妻子分别坐在不同房间的不同桌。Sex segregation, I was told, was a “choice.” But like “choosing” not to work, or a Dogon woman in Mali’s “choosing” to go into a menstrual hut, it struck me as a state of affairs possibly giving clue to some deeper, meaningful reality while masquerading, like a reveler at the Save Venice ball the women attended every spring, as a simple preference.有人告诉我,性别隔离是一种“选择”。但是,与“选择”不工作,或者马里的多贡女性“选择”月经期间关在小屋里一样,在我看来,这是一种状态,可能会在简单偏好的伪装之下,揭露某种更深层的、意味深长的现实。这样的伪装,就好比是这些女性每年春天都会参加的“拯救”舞会上的狂欢者戴的面具。And then there were the wife bonuses.然后,还有贤妻奖金的事情。I was thunderstruck when I heard mention of a “bonus” over coffee. Later I overheard someone who didn’t work say she would buy a table at an event once her bonus was set. A woman with a business degree but no job mentioned waiting for her “year-end” to shop for clothing. Further probing revealed that the annual wife bonus was not an uncommon practice in this tribe.在和她们喝咖啡时,我听人提到“奖金”二字,吓了一跳。后来,我又在无意间听到有名不工作的女士说,一旦奖金到位,她就要包下某次活动的一张桌子。另一名拥有商务学位但没有工作的女性提到,她在等待拿自己的“年终奖”去买衣。进一步的探索揭示出,在这个群体中,年度贤妻奖金并不是一种罕见的做法。A wife bonus, I was told, might be hammered out in a pre-nup or post-nup, and distributed on the basis of not only how well her husband’s fund had done but her own performance — how well she managed the home budget, whether the kids got into a “good” school — the same way their husbands were rewarded at investment banks. In turn these bonuses were a ticket to a modicum of financial independence and participation in a social sphere where you don’t just go to lunch, you buy a ,000 table at the benefit luncheon a friend is hosting.有人告诉我,人们可能会在婚前或婚后协议中拟定贤妻奖金的条款,而分发的依据不仅是丈夫打理基金的状况,还有妻子自己的表现,比如她对家庭预算管理得如何,孩子们是否上了“好”学校。这种方式,与丈夫在投行获取奖励的方式如出一辙。然后,凭借这些奖金,妻子能享受到有限的财务独立,跻身一个社交圈——在这个圈子里,你不仅仅是去吃午餐,而是要在朋友举办的慈善午宴上花1万美元(约合6.2万元人民币)包下一张桌子。Women who didn’t get them joked about possible sexual performance metrics. Women who received them usually retreated, demurring when pressed to discuss it further, proof to an anthropologist that a topic is taboo, culturally loaded and dense with meaning.那些没拿到奖金的女性,会用可能存在性表现指标开玩笑。拿到奖金的女性则往往会回避,如果听到了进一步谈论此事的要求,她们就会抗议。在一名人类学研究者看来,这明某个话题属于禁忌,充满文化内涵且含义丰富。But what exactly did the wife bonus mean? It made sense only in the context of the rigidly gendered social lives of the women I studied. The worldwide ethnographic data is clear: The more stratified and hierarchical the society, and the more sex segregated, the lower the status of women.不过,贤妻奖金究竟意味着什么?只有从我研究过的那些女性严格按照性别划分的社交活动来看,它才说得通。世界范围内的人种学数据很明确:社会层级和等级越明显,性别隔离越严格,女性的地位就越低。Financially successful men in Manhattan sit on major boards — of hospitals, universities and high-profile diseases, boards whose members must raise or give 0,000 and more. The wives I observed are usually on lesser boards, women’s committees and museums in the outer boroughs with annual expectations of ,000 or ,000. Husbands are trustees of prestigious private schools, where they accrue the cultural capital that comes with being able to vouch for others in the admissions game; their wives are “class moms,” the unremunerated social and communications hub for all the other mothers.在曼哈顿,经济富裕的男性是一些大型董事会的成员——其中包括医院、大学和备受关注的疾病。这些董事都必须筹集或捐出至少15万美元的资金。据我观察,他们的妻子通常会在的次要董事会、女性委员会和物馆任职,每年的预期金额为5000或1万美元。丈夫是著名私立学校的校董,并在那里积累文化资本,从而能够在招生游戏中为其他人作担保;他们的妻子则是“超级妈妈”,是其他所有母亲社交和交流活动的不计回报的核心。WHILE their husbands make millions, the privileged women with kids who I met tend to give away the skills they honed in graduate school and their professions — organizing galas, editing newsletters, running the library and bake sales — free of charge. A woman’s participation in Mommynomics is a way to be helpful, even indispensable. It is also an act of extravagance, a brag: “I used to work, I can, but I don’t need to.”尽管丈夫挣的钱数成百上千万,但我遇到的这些带小孩的上层女性,倾向于免费提供她们在研究生院和工作中磨练的技能——组织大型集会、编辑通讯稿件、管理图书馆和举办糕饼义卖活动。女性对“妈妈经济学”的参与是一种让自己有用乃至必不可少的方式。这也是一项奢侈之举,一种吹嘘炫耀:“我工作过,我有能力工作,但我不必工作。”Anthropology teaches us to take the long and comparative view of situations that may seem obvious. Among primates, Homo sapiens practice the most intensive food and resource sharing, and females may depend entirely on males for shelter and sustenance. Female birds and chimps never stop searching out food to provide for themselves and their young. Whether they are Hadza women who spend almost as much time as men foraging for food, Agta women of the Philippines participating in the hunt or !Kung women of southern Africa foraging for the tubers and roots that can tide a band over when there is no meat from a hunt, women who contribute to the group or family’s well-being are empowered relative to those in societies where women do not. As in the Kalahari Desert and rain forest, resources are the bottom line on the Upper East Side. If you don’t bring home tubers and roots, your power is diminished in your marriage. And in the world.人类学教育我们,要以一种长期的、带有比较性的视角来看待那些看似显而易见的情形。在灵长目动物中,智人会进行程度最大的粮食和资源分享,而在住所和食物方面,雌性智人或许会完全依赖雄性。为了养活自己和孩子,雌鸟和母黑猩猩从不会停止对食物的搜寻。不论是几乎与男性花同样多的时间来搜寻食物的哈扎部落女性,或是参与狩猎的菲律宾阿埃塔女性,还是当狩猎无果时,通过寻找块茎和根茎来帮家人渡过难关的非洲南部的昆族女性,与那些不为群体或家庭的福祉做贡献的那些族群的女性相比,她们享有更大的权力。正如在卡拉哈里沙漠和雨林中那样,资源是上东区的关键。如果你不带块茎和根茎回家,那么在婚姻中,你的权力就会被削弱。在外面的世界里也是如此。Rich, powerful men may speak the language of partnership in the absence of true economic parity in a marriage, and act like true partners, and many do. But under this arrangement women are still dependent on their men — a husband may simply ignore his commitment to an abstract idea at any time. He may give you a bonus, or not. Access to your husband’s money might feel good. But it can’t buy you the power you get by being the one who earns, hunts or gathers it.有钱有势的男人,在婚姻缺乏真正的经济平等时,或许仍能以伙伴的姿态说话,而且行动上也像真正的伴侣。的确有不少人是这样的。然而,在这种安排之下,女性仍然依附于她们的男人——丈夫可以随时将他的承诺化为一个抽象的概念。他可以为你提供奖金,也可以不给。能用丈夫的钱,感觉或许不错。但是,它无法给你带来通过成为那个挣钱、打猎或采集的人而能获得的权力。The wives of the masters of the universe, I learned, are a lot like mistresses — dependent and comparatively disempowered. Just sensing the disequilibrium, the abyss that separates her version of power from her man’s, might keep a thinking woman up at night.我了解到,那些大权在握者的妻子,与情妇非常相似——她们依赖别人,相对而言,也没有什么权力。单是感受这种不平衡,那道把妻子手中的权力与丈夫掌握的权力分隔开来的鸿沟,或许就会让一名有思想的女性彻夜不眠。 /201505/377132。
  • A computer programme usually used to draw up e-fits of wanted criminals has been used to create the UK’s idea of what constitutes the most beautiful face in the world, for men and women.常被用来模拟绘制通缉犯的面部特征的计算机程序都已经被用于一个英国新创意:对男人和女人来说,什么样的脸才是最美的。The pictures are the result of a two month-long study led by Dr Chris Solomon, an expert in facial mapping, which asked people to put together a composite of the perfect face using the software used by the police. It takes into account factors including the thickness of the lips, nose length and width, and hairline.照片是由克里斯·所罗门士主导研究了两个月之久的结果,作为面部测绘专家,他让人们用警察使用的软件把所有完美的面部结构做一个复合。其需要的因素包括嘴唇的厚度,鼻子的长度和宽度,以及发际线。 左边的女人脸,总之就是娜塔莉·波特曼/艾米莉亚·克拉克的各种合集,而右边,大卫·贝克汉姆则是英国人心中的完美脸。The results were then judged by another 100 people, who rated them for attractiveness, allowing researchers to create composite pictures showing the archetypal faces of male and female beauty.之后的结果由另外的100个人来判定,这些人把面部结果认为是有魅力的,使研究者们得出一些展现男性和女性魅力原型的复合图片。Dr Solomon said the study, commissioned by Samsung, revealed “some interesting results about what Brits consider to be the epitome of beauty”.所罗门士对于委托给三星电子公司的这项研究,透露道:“布里茨所认为的美丽的特征得出了一些有意思的结果。”The academic said the study also threw up some differences between men’s and women’s perceptions of ideal beauty.学术研究会说这项研究还是突出了一些男性和女性审美观的区别。For the male face of beauty, women drew a more feminine face than men – women rate a softer jaw-line, slimmer face, fuller lips and clean-shaven look as the most attractive, compared to the more masculine appearance that is considered the most attractive by men.比起男性美,女性的脸更富有女性气质---女性的下巴曲线更柔和,脸型更瘦,嘴唇更丰满,也没有胡须,这样便是极好的,而相比之下的男性的阳刚的外表,却是最有吸引力的。Interestingly, for the female face of beauty women rated a sexier appearance as the more beautiful than their male counterparts – women perceived fuller lips, a slimmer face, larger eyes and higher cheekbones as the most beautiful, more so than the male population。有趣的是,和男性审美不同,美貌的女性认为,拥有性感外表的女性——丰满的嘴唇,纤瘦的脸型,大眼睛,高颧骨就是最漂亮的,比拥有同样五官特征的男性有魅力得多。 /201504/369045。
  • Funeral Customs葬礼The burial of the dead is a matter taken very seriously by Chinese. improper funeral arrangements,it is believed,can wreak ill fortune and disaster upon the family of the deceased.中国人对埋葬死者的葬礼非常重视他们认为,葬礼如果安排不当,会给死者的家庭带来厄运和灾难。To a certain extent,Chinese funeral rites and burial customs are determined by the age of the deceased,the manner of his/her death,his/her status and postion in society and his/her marital status.从某种程度上来说,中国人丧葬礼仪的规格是由死者的年龄、死亡的方式、社会地位和婚姻状况决定的。According to Chinese custom,an older person should not show respell to a younger. Thus,if the deceased is a young,bachelor his body cannot be brought home but is left in a funeral parlour. His parents cannot offer prayers for their son: being unmarried,he has no children to perform these rites either. If a baby or child dies,no funeral rites are performed:the child is buried in silence.根据中国的风俗,岁数大的人不能向年轻人致敬。因此,如果死者是一位未婚的年轻人,他的尸体就不能带回家中,而是要置于灵棚里。他的父母不能向他祝祷。由于没有结婚,也不会有孩子为他举行仪式。如果婴儿早夭,也不会举行任何仪式,孩子会被无声无息地埋掉。Funeral rites for an elderly person must follow the prescribed form and convey relevant respell:rites befitting the person#39;s status,age etc. must be performed even if this means the family of the deceased must go into debt to pay for them.为老人举办的葬礼必须遵循既定的形式,必须要表现出相当的仪式,必须要举行符合死者的地位、年龄的仪式,哪怕这样做会让死者的家庭因此负债。Preparation for a funeral often begins before death has occurred:if a person is on his/her deathbed a coffin will often have aly been ordered by the family. A traditional Chinese coffin is rectangular with three“humps;.The coffin is provided by an undertaker who oversees all the funeral rites.死亡发生之前,葬礼就开始准备了。人还躺在床上奄奄一息时,家人可能已经预定好棺材了。传统的中国棺材呈四方形,有三处隆起。棺材有承办人提供,并由他监督所有丧礼的细节。When a death occurs in a family all statues of deities in the house are covered with red paper(so as not to be exposed to the body or coffin)and mirrors removed from sight,as it is believed that one who sees the reflection of a coffin in a mirror will shortly have a death in his/her family. A white cloth will be hung across the doorway of the house and a gong placed on the left of the entrance if the deceased is male and the right if female.如果家里死了人,所有的神像都要以红纸蒙面(不能暴露在尸体或棺材前)。所有的镜子都要移出视线之外,因为人们相信,在镜子里看到棺材的人自己家里不久会死人。屋子的门上会挂上一块白布,门侧会挂个锣,死者是男的话挂左边,是女的就挂右边。Before being placed in the coffin,the corpse is cleaned with a damp towel,dusted with talcum powder and dressed in his/her best clothes from his/her own wardrobe(all other clothing of the deceased is burnt and not reused)before being placed on a mat. The body is completely dressed-including footwear, and cosmetics if female-but it is not dressed in red clothes(as this will cause the corpse to become a ghost):white,black, brown or blue are the usual colours used. Before being placed in the coffin the corpse#39;s face is covered with a yellow cloth and the body with a light blue one.尸体在放进棺材之前,要用湿毛巾擦干净,用滑石粉除去身上的灰尘,穿上他/她生前最好的衣(死者其他的衣都要被烧掉,不会再穿),然后放到垫子上。死者全身穿戴整齐,包括鞋袜,如果是女人的话,还要化妆,除了红色的衣不能穿(这样会让尸体变成鬼),白色、黑色、棕色或蓝色的衣都是很常见的。在放人棺材之前,死者要以黄布遮面,浅蓝色的布蔽体。The Wake守丧The coffin is placed either in the house(if the person has died at home ) or in the courtyard outside the house(if the person has died away from home).The coffin is placed with the head of the deceased facing the inside of the house resting about a foot from the ground on finro stools,and wreaths,gifts and a portrait or photograph of the deceased are placed at the head of the coffin.The coffin is not sealed during the wake. Food is placed in front of the coffin as an offering to the deceased. The deceased#39;s comb will be broken into halves,one part placed in the coffin,one part retained by the family如果死者死在家中的话,棺材要放在屋里;如果死者死在外面,棺材要放在屋外的庭院里。放棺材时,棺下置两个凳子,使死者白勺脸朝向屋内,头离地约一英尺棺材前置花圈、礼物、遗像。守丧期间,棺材不能封口。棺前还要放食物作为给死者的供品。死者生前用的梳子要瓣成两半,一半置于棺中,一半由死者家人保存。During the wake,the family does not wear jewellery or red clothing,red being the colour of happiness. Traditionally,children and grandchildren of the deceased did not cut their hair for forty-nine days after the date of death,but this custom is usually only observed now by the older generations of Chinese. It is customary for blood relatives and daughters-in-law to wail and cry during mourning as a sign of respect and loyalty to the deceased.守丧期间,死者家人不能戴珠宝首饰,不能穿红衣,因为红色象征着喜庆。根据传统,死者的儿女或孙子孙女在死者死后的40天不能理发,如今通常只有岁数比较大的中国人才会遵循这一习俗了。按照惯例,死者的血亲和儿媳们大声哭泣,以此来表现他们对死者的尊敬和忠诚。At the wake,the family of the deceased gather around the coffin,positioned according to their order in the family. Special clothing is worn:usually white gowns and hats. Later-arriving rela-tives must crawl on their knees towards the coffin.守丧时,死者的家人聚在棺材的旁边,按照家庭里的长幼尊卑排好顺序。他们穿上白色的丧,戴上白色的丧帽。后来的亲戚必须面朝棺材跪下。An altar, upon which burning incense and a lit white candle are placed,is placed at the foot of the coffin. .loss paper and prayer money(to provide the deceased with sufficient income in the afterlife)are burned continuously throughout the wake. Funeral guests are required to light incense for the deceased and to bow as a sign of respell to the family. There will also be a donation box, as money is always offered as a sign of respect to the family of the deceased: it will also help the family defray the costs of the funeral.棺材前摆着供桌,上面燃着香和白色的蜡烛。守丧期间要不停地烧泊纸和纸钱(这是给死者在冥间使用的)。吊唁的客人要给死者上香鞠躬,以示对死者家庭的尊重。还会有个募捐箱:吊唁的客人往里投钱,一方面表示对死者家庭的尊重,另一方面也帮助他们负担丧礼的花销。During the wake there will usually be seen a group of people gambling in the front courtyard of the deceased#39;s house:the corpse has to be“guarded”and gambling helps the guards stay awake during their vigil;it also helps to lessen the grief of the participants.在守丧期间,通常都会有一群人在死者家的前院里。尸体必须有人卫护,可以帮助护卫者保持警惕;也可以减轻参与者的悲痛。The length of the wake depends upon the financial resources of the family,but is at least a day to allow time for prayers to be offered. While the coffin is in the house(or compound ) a monk will chant verses Buddhist or Taoist scriptures at night. It is believed that the souls of the dead face many obstacles and even torments and torture(for the sins they have committed in life)before they are allowed to take their place in the afterlife:prayers,chanting and rituals offered by the monks help to smooth the passage of the deceased#39;s soul into heaven. These prayers are accompanied by music played on the gong,flute and trumpet.守丧期的长短取决于死者家庭的贫富,但至少要有一天时间来作法事。棺材摆在屋里或院子里之后,会请来一位和尚和道士念诵经文。人们相信死者在黄泉路上要面临很多困难甚至折磨(因为他们在生前造了孽)。和尚和道士诵经能够帮助死者的灵魂早登极乐。诵经时有锣、笛和唤呐在旁边伴奏。 /201505/377318。
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