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呼和浩特绣眉呼市京美整形美容医院疤痕修复怎么样Finance and Economics;Free exchange;Arab spring cleaning; Why trade reform matters in the Middle East;财经;自由探讨;阿拉伯国家翘盼改革春风;贸易改革为何对中东经济至关重要;A year after the start of the Arab spring, no government in the Middle East has attempted serious economic reform even though it is obvious both that economies are distorted and that discontent over living standards has played a big part in the uprisings. The main reaction by governments has been to buy off further protests by increasing public spending. Saudi Arabia boosted government spending by over 50% between 2008 and 2011.阿拉伯之春爆发已有一年。虽然很明显当前经济发展畸形,且当年对生活水平的不满正是革命爆发的主因之一,但至今,中东各国政府都没有尝试过任何认真的经济改革。面对现状,他们主要通过增加公共出来收买人心、防止更多的抗议活动。2011年沙特政府出比2008年增长了50%。Although higher oil prices have been enough to finance these rises, much of the extra spending has gone into public-sector wages and consumer subsidies. Food and fuel subsidies are often huge: over 10% of GDP in Egypt. In the region as a whole, fuel subsidies rose from 2.3% of GDP in to 3.2% in 2011.固然,油价的涨幅足以保障这部分出的增长,但很大程度上这笔钱是用在公职人员加薪和消费者补贴上的。食品和燃油补贴数额巨大:在埃及,这一数字超过了GDP的10%;在整个中东地区,燃油补贴占GDP比例从年的2.3%增长到了2011年的3.2%。These subsidies benefit the rich, keep loss-making firms alive and damage the economy. According to the IMF, the richest fifth of Jordanians capture 40% of fuel-subsidy gains; the poorest fifth get 7%. More important, subsidies exacerbate the region’s most important economic problem, which, argue Adeel Malik of the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies and Bassem Awadallah*, a former Jordanian finance minister, is “that it has been unable to develop a private sector that is independent, competitive and integrated with global markets”. By distorting domestic prices, subsidising energy-guzzling firms and increasing public-sector wages relative to private-sector ones, the past year’s actions have made it even harder to develop a flourishing private sector.这些补贴肥了富裕阶层,让亏损的企业苟延残喘,损害了经济的运行。IMF称,约旦最富有的20%群体获得了燃油补贴总额中的40%,而最穷的20%群体仅拿到7%。更重要的是,补贴政策使本地最严重的经济恶疾进一步恶化——牛津伊斯兰教研究中心学者、约旦前财政部长爱迪尔·马利克称:“约旦从未能发展一个独立、竞争力强、与全球市场接轨的私营部门。”去年,扰乱国内价格、补贴高油耗公司、公职人员相对私营雇员加薪等行为使得私营部门的繁荣愈发困难。It was hard enough before. The Middle East has strikingly few private companies, less than one-third of the number per person in eastern Europe. Everywhere the state dominates the economy. In Egypt the public sector accounts for 40% of value-added outside agriculture—an unusually large share for a middle-income country. Such private firms as do exist tend to be large and closely connected to the state. The average Middle Eastern company is ten years older than in East Asia or eastern Europe because new entrants are kept out by pervasive red tape. The authors reckon it costs roughly 20 times the average annual income to start a firm in Syria and Yemen (assuming anyone would want to), just over twice the average globally. In a few Arab countries, like Tunisia, some notorious personifications of crony capitalism have fallen foul of political change but the practice has by no means ended.这之前已经够难了。中东地区的私有公司少得惊人,其人均占有公司数量不到欧洲的三分之一。政府把持了经济的各个领域。在埃及,农业之外的产品附加值中,国营部门占了40%——对于中等收入国家而言,这个比例算是较大了。真正存在的私营公司也往往规模较大、与政府关系密切。中东地区公司平均寿命比东亚或东欧国家长10年,因为新的竞争者被无处不在的监管繁文缛节排除在市场之外。作者称,在中东地区创业(假设还有人愿意创业的话)所需要的家底(以年均收入衡量)是在叙利亚和也门的20倍,是全球平均值的两倍多。在突尼斯等国,一些臭名昭著的裙带资本主义的典型代表与政变者有矛盾,但实际操作上还是老样子。The weakness of the private sector is typically seen as a domestic problem with domestic solutions, notably privatisation and deregulation. Earlier attempts to strengthen private businesses by pursuing those policies were in practice half-hearted or skewed towards well-connected insiders, tainting the whole process of reform. The risk of the same outcome is a big reason why, in the aftermath of the Arab spring, risk-averse governments have shied away from further efforts to privatise or cut red tape. But, argue Messrs Malik and Awadallah, there is also a regional aspect to the private sector’s weakness—the failure to develop regional markets. Here, reform may be politically easier.一般来说,私营部门的不振被视为国内问题,可以靠对内政策调整解决,如私有化、减少监管等。事实上,之前通过这些措施来强化私营部门的尝试要么三心二意,要么便宜了一些人脉广泛的“圈内人”,因而阻碍了整个改革的进程。阿拉伯之春后,各国政府求稳避险,不愿进一步推进私有化和简化监管的改革,很大程度上是因为考虑到会出现和之前同样的结果。但阿迪尔称,各国私营部门的衰弱也有一个区域性原因——未能建立区域统一市场。这方面的改革在政治上或许更容易些。Arab companies are globally uncompetitive. The Middle East accounts for less than 1% of world non-fuel exports, compared with 4% from Latin America (a region with a comparable population). Turkey exports five times as much as Egypt, which has a population of similar size. Despite its favourable geographical location the Middle East is rarely part of global supply chains. And of its modest global exports, inter-Arab trade accounts for less than a tenth, barely more than in 1960.中东地区公司全球竞争能力较弱。世界非油类出口总额中,仅有不到1%来自中东地区,而人口规模类似的拉丁美洲地区占4%。土耳其人口规模与埃及类似,但出口额是埃及的5倍。尽管占据有利地理位置,中东地区在全球供应链条中地位轻微。中东地区的全球贸易出口量本来就不大,而其中本区域内的贸易仅占10%,比1960年时多了一点而已。The usual explanation for the failure to trade is the region’s resource curse. Because it is so easy to export crude oil, Arab countries have failed to develop significant merchandise exports. And because so many export the same thing—oil—they naturally do not trade with each other. Even if that were the whole story, the region would still need to develop competitive manufacturing or services to cope with demographic change. Oil cannot generate the tens of millions of new jobs that predominantly young Arab countries will need. But it is not the whole story. Arab countries could trade with each other more than they do, and part of the reason that they do not is self-inflicted.通常认为,中东地区贸易衰微现象是由于其资源结构的单一。因为出口原有轻而易举,中东国家从未发展强大的一般商品出口。又因为这么多国家都出口同一产品——石油,他们自然不会相互买卖。就算这就是当前局面的全部原因,中东地区仍需发展有竞争力的制造业或务业,以适应人口变化。石油不能为大多年轻的阿拉伯国家创造所需的工作岗位。况且这并非问题的全貌。阿拉伯国家完全可以相互开展更多的贸易,现在之所以未能实现,部分原因是人为导致的。Obstacles to regional trade are legion. Costly “trade logistics”—non-tariff barriers, red tape and poor infrastructure—add 15% to the value of Egyptian clothes and 10% to the total value of all goods shipped in the region. It costs companies an average of 95 man-days a year just to deal with trade bureaucracies. It takes longer and is more expensive to ship goods between two Middle Eastern ports than to send them from the Middle East to America. Such market fragmentation, the authors argue, is the consequence of the region’s centralised, state-led economic policies.区域贸易的阻碍太多了。“贸易物流”成本高昂——非关税性壁垒、繁杂的贸易手续和落后的基础设施——占到了埃及装出口价的15%,占到了中东区域内所有商品价值的10%。如果每家公司出一个人来处理繁杂的贸易手续,那么一年中仅这些工作平均就要消耗95天。在两个中东港口间的货运成本要比从中东到美洲的运价还要高。市场分割到这种程度,作者称,是“集中化、国营主导的经济政策所导致”。Just start somewhere开始改革吧,随便从那儿着手More trade would have familiar benefits: larger markets should enable firms to reap greater economies of scale, increase returns to investment and adopt more new technology. Just as important in the Middle Eastern context, more open trade would begin the process of dismantling over-centralised states and create a constituency for further economic change.大家都知道贸易增长的好处:更大的市场可以让公司更好地利用规模经济、增加投资回报、采用更新的技术。鉴于中东目前政治状况,开放贸易还有一个重要功能,就是开始消除经济集中化,并为未来进一步的经济改革争取民意持。Of course, trade liberalisation is no substitute for privatisation, financial reform and other domestic measures. But it has a political advantage over those reforms. Because the steps required are relatively small ones (reductions in red tape, for instance) they should provoke less resistance from insiders; and because regional trade can be presented as a pan-Arab goal, it does not have the same taint of “Westernisation” that discredited earlier reform efforts. Regional trade would be only a start. But the main thing is to start somewhere.当然,贸易自由化并不能代替私有化、金融改革和其他国内改革。但贸易自由化在政治上比其他更有优势,因为所需要迈出的步伐相对较小(比如,减少过度监管),引发的内部抵制较少,且区域贸易可以被描绘成一个有利于阿拉伯世界自身利益的目标,而不会有浑水摸鱼的“西方化”(之前的改革正是因此丧失了民心)。区域贸易仅仅是一个开始,但不论从哪一处着手,尽早开始是正经。 /201305/241074呼市京美整形美容医院激光去斑多少钱 The future of cars汽车的未来Wireless wheels无线互联汽车Connected cars will make driving safer, cleaner and more efficient. Their introduction should be speeded up联网汽车将让驾驶更安全、环保、高效。应当加快介绍推广。SINCE Henry Ford turned it into a mass-market product a century ago, the car has delivered many benefits. It has boosted economic growth, increased social mobility and given people a lot of fun. No wonder mankind has taken to the vehicle with such enthusiasm that there are now a billion automobiles on the worlds roads.一个世纪之前,亨利福特实现了汽车的大规模生产,自那以后汽车就就给我们带来了诸多好处。它的出现促进了经济增长,增加了社会流动性,也给人们带来了很多乐趣。这也就难怪人们对汽车会如此情有独钟了,因而现在有十亿量汽车奔驰在世界各地的道路上。But the car has also brought many problems. It pollutes the air, creates congestion and kills people. An astonishing 1.24m people die, and as many as 50m are hurt, in road accidents each year. Drivers and passengers waste around 90 billion hours in traffic jams each year. In some car-choked cities as much as a third of the petrol used is burned by people looking for a space to park.但是汽车也带来了很多问题。它会污染空气,造成交通拥堵,带来人员伤亡。在每年发生的交通事故中死亡人数高达124万人,也有500万人因此受伤。每年驾驶员和行人因为交通堵塞浪费的时间约为900亿小时。在一些汽车密集的城市,有三分之一的汽油是用在了找停车位的路上。Fortunately, an emerging technology promises to make motoring safer, less polluting and less prone to hold-ups (seeTechnology Quarterly). “Connected cars”—which may eventually evolve into driverless cars but for the foreseeable future will still have a human at the wheel—can communicate wirelessly with each other and with traffic-management systems, avoid pedestrians and other vehicles and find open parking spots.幸运的是,一项新兴的科技使得汽车更加安全,更环保也不易造成交通堵塞(另见科技季刊)“联网汽车”可能最终会进化为无人驾驶,但是短时间内还是需要人来驾驶,并且能通过无线网络去其他车辆和交通管制系统和相连,还能规避行人、车辆,找到开放的空车位。Get smart智能化Some parts of the transformation are aly in place. Many new cars are aly being fitted with equipment that lets them maintain their distance and stay in a motorway lane automatically at a range of speeds, and recognise a parking space and slot into it. They are also getting mobile-telecoms connections: soon, all new cars in Europe will have to be able to alert the emergency services if their on-board sensors detect a crash. Singapore has led the way with using variable tolls to smooth traffic flows during rush-hours; Britain is pioneering “smart motorways”, whose speed limits vary constantly to achieve a similar effect. Combined, these innovations could create a much more efficient system in which cars and their drivers are constantly alerted to hazards and routed around blockages, traffic always flows at the optimum speed and vehicles can join up into “platoons” on the motorways, travelling closer together, yet with less risk of crashing.转型中的某些部分已经到位。 许多新车都安装了新的设备,这些新设备能保持车距,并让车辆以一定的速度自动保持在高速公路车道内行驶,也能识别到空车位插入。这些汽车也搭载了移动电信链接设备:很快,如果欧洲新车的机载传感器检测到碰撞时,那么它们必须能够触发应急务。 新加坡在控制交通拥堵上走在了前面,通过浮动收费的方式保障高峰时段车流的顺畅通行; 英国则是采用“智能高速公路”的先驱,通过对汽车行驶速度的浮动限制达到与新加坡的方法类似的效果。 综合所有这些创新手段就可以创造一个更有效的系统,在这个系统下不论是汽车还是驾驶员都能不断的得到风险警告并避开拥堵路段,使得车流始终保持在最佳速度,所有车辆都能加入成排得行驶在高速公路上,车距小但是发生车祸的风险更小。Just as regulation has helped increase fuel efficiency, cut exhaust fumes and introduce anti-skid equipment, so government involvement is needed to get the connected car on the road. It is beginning to happen. Earlier this year, Europes standards-setting agencies agreed a common set of protocols for cars and traffic infrastructure to communicate. Others should follow. Governments should then set firm deadlines for all new cars to be fully connected and capable of platooning, and a date for existing cars to be retrofitted with a basic locator beacon and the ability to receive hazard warnings.正如监管有助于提高燃油效率,减少尾气排放并引进防滑设备,那么为了让更多的联网汽车上路,政府的参与也是必要的。 这也已经开始了。今年早些时候,欧洲的标准制定机构同意为汽车及交通基础设施之前的通信制定一个共同的协议。 其他的也都将按此执行。各国政府也应设定所有新车联网和成排管理的最后期限。并为现有的汽车设定一个期限完成基本的定位改装,能够接受危险警告。If cars are to connect, new infrastructure will have to be built. Roads and parking spaces will need sensors to monitor them; motorways will need dedicated lanes for platooning. But this will not necessarily be expensive. Upgrading traffic signals so they can be controlled remotely by a central traffic-management system is a lot cheaper than building new roads.如果汽车都连了网,那么也需要修建新的配套基础设施。 道路和停车位都需要传感器来来监控; 高速公路需要专用车道来成排管理。 但是这并不需要投入大量资金。更新交通信号使他们能够通过一个中央流量管理系统远程控制,这比起新建道路便宜不少。The sooner these changes are made, and cars are plugged into a smart traffic grid, the quicker Singaporean variable pricing—for parking as well as road use—can become the norm. Motorists will then have the incentive, as well as the ability, to avoid the busiest places at the busiest times, and the dful toll that roads take in human lives should start falling.如果能越早完成这些改进,将汽车连接到智能交通网格,那么新加坡施行的停车和道路浮动收费的方法将会成为常态。 那么驾驶员将有动力也有能力在高峰期避开拥堵路段。那么人们生活中可怕的交通费出也会下降。In the past, more people driving meant more roads, more jams, more death and more fumes. In future, the connected car could offer mankind the pleasures of the road with rather less of the pain.在过去,开车的人越多意味着更多路也更添堵。因为车祸死亡的人也会更多,尾气也更多。而在未来,联网汽车可以在让人们享受奔驰在路上的同时少一些痛苦。 /201409/327174呼和浩特割双眼皮哪家医院最好

呼和浩特第一人民医院做隆胸手术多少钱呼和浩特妇保医院整形美容中心 You see, Don,an onion gets it distinctive taste from compounds that contain sulfur atoms.你瞧,洋葱的特殊味道来源于含有硫离子的复合物,When you slice anonion, you damage its cells, triggering a chemical reaction that converts these compounds into anacid that acts like tear gas.当你切洋葱时,你破坏了它的细胞,以至于激发化学反应,这种反应会使本身的化合物转化成某种像催泪瓦斯一样的酸。At the same time, the byproducts of this reaction condense to form the molecules responsible forthe onions pungent odor.与此同时,这种反应的副产品泽浓缩成为洋葱刺激气味的某种份子,In other words, the same chemical reaction that makes you weepy alsoreleases the onions smell.换句话说,让你泪眼汪汪以及释放洋葱味道的正是这种化学反应。A similar thing happens when you chop garlic.当你切蒜的时候也会发生类似的事情。When its still in bulb form, garlic doesnt smell likemuch.当大蒜呈鳞球茎状态时,气味并不浓郁。Its only when you mince or dice the garlics cells that a chemical reaction releases the smellwe associate with garlic.只有当你切碎或者是破坏大蒜细胞时,化学反应释才会放出大蒜的气味。However, no one cries from slicing garlic.但是,切片大蒜不会让人流泪,This is because the byproducts of the chemical reactionthat takes place in garlic are different from the byproducts you get when you chop an onion.这是因为在大蒜中发生化学反应的副产品同你切洋葱时的得到的副产品不同。Scientists suggest that the same chemical that gives garlic and onions their distinctive smell helpsthem fight off bacteria and fungus and parasites.科学家认为相同的化学反应赋予大蒜洋葱独特的气味,这种气味帮主它们击退细菌,真菌以及寄生虫。There might be something after all behind allthose reports that garlic and onions are good for you.在关于大蒜洋葱对你有好处报道的背后,或许有更多科学有待我们探究。201403/280322呼和浩特中医院光子脱毛多少钱

呼和浩特京美整形韩式隆鼻多少钱Italian payment practices意大利的付习惯Unhealthy delays有害的延误Late payments are an Italian speciality—particularly in health care延迟付是意大利的特色——尤其在医药保健领域IN MEDICINE speed is of the essence.在医药领域,速度就是核心。If the ambulance arrives a minute late, the patient may be dead.如果救护车晚到一分钟,病人就可能死亡了。Italian paramedics are no doubt as swift as those in other countries.意大利的护理人员无疑同其他国家一样行动迅速。But Italys health-care authorities are shamefully slow when it comes to paying suppliers—making it difficult for them to survive.但谈到向供应商付时,意大利的医疗机构就慢的令人羞耻了—简直让供应商们难以生存。Were still waiting to be paid for goods sold in , says Stefano Rimondi, the managing director of Bellco, a maker of equipment for dialysis with revenues of more than 100m and a workforce of 360 people.我们还在等年出售的货物的付款,Bellco公司的常务董事Stefano Rimondi说道。Bellco是一家渗透设备制造商,拥有360名员工,每年收入超过1亿欧元。We have one employee working full-time chasing up late payers, he adds.他补充道,我们有一个员工全职专司向延迟付款人追讨款项。Bellco is not the only company to suffer.Bellco不是唯一一家深受其害的公司。The 250 other members of Assobiomedica, a trade group for firms that supply medical equipment, are owed 5.6 billion;提供医疗设备的贸易组织,意大利生物医药联合会下属的250家公司有未付款56亿欧元;those of Farmindustria, which represents 200 pharmaceutical firms, are waiting for 4 billion.意大利制药工业协会下属的200家制药公司则有未付款40亿欧元。The farther south you look, the longer the delays in payment.你往南看的越远,付的延迟时间就越长。The Friuli and Trentino-Alto Adige regions in north-eastern Italy and Valle dAosta in the north-west settle bills after about three months.在意大利东北部的Friuli 和Trentino-Alto Adige区域,以及在西北部的Valle dAosta都在三个月后付账单。The regions of Calabria and Molise pay on average after two years.Calabria 和 Molise区的人平均两年后才付账。The record is held by one Neapolitan health authority:那不勒斯省中某市的卫生部门保持着相关记录:some of its suppliers have been waiting for more than four-and-a-half years.他的一些供应商已经等了至少四年半了。Small Italian firms that rely on the home market are hit particularly hard.一些依赖家庭市场的意大利企业尤其损失严重。Often they cannot get bank financing at reasonable interest rates.他们通常不能以合理的利率从贷款。And long delays in payment create all kinds of tax and accounting headaches.而长时间延误付款将导致税收和会计方面的一系列问题。Suing late-payers doesnt help much.起诉延迟付款者也没有太大作用。Courts are at least as slow as health-care authorities.法院的速度至少和医疗机构一样慢。In five regions a law even blocks the use of courts to compel authorities to cough up.甚至有一项法律在五个地区中禁止法院强制官员吐出资金。Once we were able to recover about 5m of interest a year, but now weve had to give up, says the executive of a large American drugmaker, which had started to take legal action in 2007.一家大型美国制药公司在2007年采取法律行动以后说道:曾经我们可以收到一年大约500万欧元的利息,但现在我们放弃了。Pharmaceutical firms cannot simply stay clear of the worst offenders:制药公司不能简单的远离最极端的冒犯者们:they are legally required to supply drugs even to notoriously slow authorities.法律甚至要求这些为慢的臭名昭著的官员提供药品。Desperate measures are also unlikely to help.令人绝望的法规同样很难起到作用。Starting a boycott of late-paying authorities could trigger an antitrust investigation.启动对延迟付款官员的联合抵制将触发反垄断调查。And paying sweeteners to move invoices to the top of the list can land you behind bars.而通过贿赂使账单排到列表最顶端的举动将使你锒铛入狱。Some suppliers are pinning their hopes on new European Union legislation which requires health-care authorities to settle bills within 60 days;一些供应商寄希望于要求医疗机构在60天内付款的欧盟监管新条例;it takes effect in March next year.此条例将于明年三月份生效。Yet Mr Rimondi would be shocked if things improved:但如果情况真的有所改进的话,Rimondi先生会感到震惊,Some clause will be dreamed up so that the directive can be dodged in Italy.将有一些条款被设计出来,让意大利逃过监管。 /201307/247869 呼和浩特市回民医院抽脂多少钱呼和浩特赛罕区做韩式开眼角哪家好



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